The colour teal has now joined red (Labor), blue (Liberal), green (Greens) and maybe brown (Nationals) to indicate the hue of the major Australian political parties. The six newly elected teal independents have already made their collective mark on the 47th Federal Parliament over the first two sitting weeks. This applies especially to the debate on climate change, but also to their outgoing demeanor and their first speeches.
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Teal was the colour applied to these independents because it was supposed to be blue with a green tinge or green with a blue tinge. It was not actually the campaign colour of all the independents, but the name has stuck.
Teal is also not a single colour, but, like blue, green, and red, it includes a range of shades. We are used to light-blue (moderate Liberals), dark-green (radical Greens) and fiery pink/red (Communists) as descriptions of political attitudes. The same is true of teal independents, though the different shades have yet to emerge.
Fellow political scientist Dr James Murphy, of the University of Melbourne, has begun an investigation of these differences in a delightful article entitled Fifty Shades of Teal. He identifies real differences within the independents' movement in terms of political background, environmental activism and economic policies. That line of enquiry can be followed fruitfully.
Putting the teal independents under the microscope focusses on their identity, their impact, and their strategies.
What stands out now is the collective identity of the Teals: climate, integrity and equality for women. The six new Teals are often photographed together, thus cementing that collective identity. That they all are women holding formerly Liberal heartland metropolitan seats adds more cement.
If the senior teals in the House of Representatives, Zali Steggall and Dr Helen Haines, are added to their number it becomes eight. Rebekha Sharkie shares many of their attributes too, but she is a Centre Alliance MP. The lone Senate teal is David Pocock from the ACT, who came under fierce attack during the election campaign for allegedly being a radical green activist.
The fact that Labor is in government and climate change led the debate, along with the territories bill, puts a particular slant on understanding the Teals as Labor allies. Labor adopted several teal amendments, and the vibe was warm and friendly.
They were eased into Parliament on comfortable political ground. This was reinforced by the Coalition's negativity and the antagonism towards them from News Corp and Sky News. Later developments may not be so friendly.
When it comes to the budget and economic policy some of the Teals may emerge as closer to the opposition. They hold Liberal-type seats, after all, and the common shorthand used for Independents like Steggall was the phrase economically conservative and socially progressive. That description may apply to many of their middle-class supporters, too.
The teal independents may each react differently to these new challenges. Some will emerge as green-blue teal while others may seem more like blue-green. Their individual identities will come to the fore to supplement, not replace, their collective identity. Each is necessary for their standing and ultimately their re-election prospects. They need both the group push and the local recognition.
Some individuality will emerge with their voting records if, and when, they diverge. It doesn't matter to the outcome in the House of Representatives as Labor will prevail anyway. But it will matter in terms of alliances with the Greens and other parties. Links with individual ministers will also vary according to interests and proximity.
It matters in the Senate where Pocock holds a crucial vote. He is already linking up with the two Jacqui Lambie Network senators from Tasmania in a sensible move to avoid being outflanked. That makes Pocock's situation different from the other teals. His alliances will necessarily be broader.
The new House of Representatives' teals are spread across three states, which will make a difference. So will the size of the group. In earlier parliaments three or four independents could easily bond together, but eight to ten might find that solidarity more difficult.
Steggall and Haines were able to differentiate themselves through one focusing on climate action, while the other pushed integrity mechanisms. They backed each other up. This should happen with the larger group too. Leaders or influencers will emerge naturally. Some will be more outspoken. Dr Monique Ryan comes to mind. Others may be more effective behind the scenes.
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They can't afford to be sidelined as that opens them up to the common political party attack on independents as useless adornments because they are outside the tent. Instead, they must make a reputation as useful collaborators. Labor is helping them do that.
The line that "the government doesn't need their votes, but it does need their brains" may be true but is dangerous. It contains a whiff of superiority, which could hurt relationships with other MPs inside the Parliament. A better line is that the government needs their connections to social movements, including women and the environment.
The Labor government also needs them to hold their seats in the House of Representatives and the Senate, while not losing any of its own. Labor can't win those teal seats and doesn't see itself in direct competition with them.
That puts the Teals in a different situation to the Greens, who are in fierce competition with Labor in inner-city seats. That difference is a powerful weapon in the teals' arsenal. But above all they must maintain an independent identity.
- John Warhurst is an emeritus professor of political science at the Australian National University and a regular columnist.